We all have a hand preference when undertaking manual tasks. But why is this so? And do you always prefer the same hand, or does it vary with what you are doing? Does the way people vary their hand preference differ between right- and left-handers?
The world is a right-handed one, as will be obvious to left-handers. Most tools are made for right-handed people. Implements such as scissors, knives, coffee pots, and so on are all constructed for the right-handed majority. In consequence, the accident rate for left-handers is higher than for rightand not just in tool use; the rate of traffic fatalities among left-handers is also greater than for right.1
The word "sinister," which now means "ill-omened," originally meant "left-handed." The corresponding word for "right-handed" is "dexter," from which we get the word "dexterous."
T.S.
Nine out of 10 people are right-handed.2 The proportion appears to have been stable over thousands of years and across all cultures in which handedness has been examined. Anthropologists have been able to determine the incidence of handedness in ancient cultures by examining artifacts, such as the shape of flint axes. Based on evidence like this and other evidence such as writing about handedness in antiquity, our species appears always to have been a predominantly right-handed one.
But even right-handers vary in just how right-handed they are, and this variation may have a link to how you use the different sides of your brain [Hack #69] .
In Action
Have a go at the following tests to determine which is your dominant hand and just how dominant it is. Do each test twiceonce with each handand record your score, in seconds, both times. You don't have to do all of them; just see which you can do given the equipment you have on hand.
Darts
Throw three darts at a dartboard. (Be very careful when doing this with your off-hand!) Add up the distances from the bull's-eye.
Handwriting
Measure the time that it takes to write the alphabet as one word, six times. Start with the hand you normally write with and rest for 1 minute before starting with the other hand.
Drawing
Measure the time that it takes to draw a line between two of the lines of some lined paper. Add a penalty of 2 seconds for each time your line touches one of the ruled lines.
Picking up objects with tweezers
Using tweezers, measure the time that it takes to pick up and transfer 12 pieces of wire from one container to another.
Stoppering bottles
Measure the time, in seconds, it takes to put the lids on five jars, the corks back in five wine bottles, or the cap back on five beer bottles.
You can now see how the score differs for the different tasks and take an average to see your average dominance. Negative numbers mean right-handedness, positive numbers mean left-handedness. Bigger numbers mean greater dominance by one hand.
How It Works
By doing the previous tests, you can see that you can still use your off-hand for some things and that it is easier to use your off-hand for some things than for other things. Most people have some things for which they use their dominant hand, some things they may use both for, and some for which they use their off-hand.
So, in a sense, describing people as left-handed or right-handed is limiting because it puts them into only one category and ignores the extent to which they may be in that categoryor in between the two. This is why, of course, we used behavioral measures to work out the handedness quotient, rather than just asking people.3
Handedness is only weakly genetic. The child of two left-handers has a 45-50% chance of being left-handed, and thus handedness must partly be to do with how the child is brought up as well, so we know that there is a large nongenetic influence on whether you turn out to be a left-hander. Evidence also suggests that left-handedness may be associated with neurological insult in the womb or during delivery.4
If you try the test out on a few people, you will see that left-handed people more easily use their right hand than right-handed people use their left hand. In part, this is probably because our right-handed world forces left-handers to learn to use their right more, and it could also be for deeper reasons to do with brain lateralization as well.
Nine out of 10 people use their right hand predominantly, and at least 9 out of 10 people have their major functions on their left side.5 This includes around two-thirds of left-handers. Everyone else, a significant minority, either uses the right hemisphere for speech or uses both hemispheres.6
One test of which half of the brain is dominant for language is the Wada test. This involves a short-acting anesthetic (e.g., sodium amytal) being injected into the carotid artery. This transiently anesthetizes the left hemisphere, thus testing the functional capabilities of the affected half of the brain. People for whom the left hemisphere is indeed dominant for language (i.e., most of us) will temporarily become aphasic, losing the ability to comprehend or produce language. If counting at the time, you'll stop being able to do so for a few beats when injected with the anesthetic.
The reason most people are still left-brainers for language may be due to how our brain functions became lateralized [Hack #69] before the evolution of language, the brain lateralizing separately from the use of our hands.
It has been suggested that the speech areas of the brain developed near the motor cortex because hand gestures were the principal form of communication before speech.7 Studies show that, when a participant observes hand and mouth gestures, parts of the motor cortex (F5) and Broca's area (found in the left frontal lobe, specifically involved in the production of language) are stimulated. It is argued that before speech our ancestors used gestures to communicate, much as monkeys and apes do now (i.e., lip smacks). And so the human speech circuit is a consequence of the precursor of Broca's area, which was endowed (before speech) with mechanisms to recognize action made by others, from which speech developed.
It is plausible that only the one hand (the right) was used for a more efficient and simple way of communicating. This would explain why language and hand dominance are on the same side (remember, the left side of the brain controls the right side of the body, so left-language dominance and right-hand dominance are both due to the left side of the brain).
If this were the norm during evolution, it may help to explain why most left-handers still have speech areas in the left hemisphere. However, this still doesn't answer the question of why the right hand was dominant in the beginning. At present, this can be only speculation; the important point is that right- and left-handedness are distributed differentlythey are not mirror images of each other, which has implications for the genetics of handedness and the laterality of other functions.
It has been argued that the original hand preferences evolved from a postural position preference of the right hand and consequently a left preference for reaching in arboreal (tree-living) species.8 So, with postural demands becoming less pronounced in ground-dwelling species, the left hand remained the dominant one for highly stereotyped tasks like simple reaching, whereas the right became the preferred one for more manipulative tasks or tasks requiring some skill. In other words, we would hang on with the left hand and pick fruit with the right.
Although this is an interesting theory for why the majority of the population is right-handed, it does not give any indication as to why some people are left-handed. Are left-handed people highly skilled in reaching? Are left-handed people as skilled in manipulative tasks as their right-handed counterparts? Regretfully, these questions have to wait for further research.
End Notes
1. Salive, M. E., Guralink, J. M., & Glynn, R. J. (1993). Left-handedness and mortality. American Journal of Public Health, 83, 265-267.
2. Annet, M. (1972). The distribution of manual asymmetry. The British Journal of Psychology, 63, 343-358.
3. Hartlage, L. C., & Gage, R. (1997). Unimanual performance as a measure of laterality. Neuropsyhological Review, 7(3), 143-156.
4. Bakan, P. (1971). Handedness and birth order. Nature, 229, 195.
5. Davidson, R. J., & Hugdahl, K (eds.) (1995). Brain Asymmetry. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
6. Rasmussen, T., & Milner, B. (1977). The role of early left-brain injury in determining lateralization of cerebral speech functions. Annuls of the New York Academy of Sciences, 299, 355-369.
7. Rizzolatti, G., & Arbib, A. (1998). Language within our grasp. Trends in Neurosciences, 21, 188-194.
8. MacNeilage, P. E. (1990). The "Postural Origins" theory of primate neurobiological asymmetries. In N. A. Krasneger et al. (eds.), Biological and Behavioural Determinants of Language Development, 165-168, Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
See Also
· Laska, M. (1996). Manual laterality in spider monkeys (Ateles geoffroyi) solving visually and tactually guided food-reaching tasks. Cortex, 32(4), 717-726.
Chapter 7. Reasoning
Section 7.1. Hacks 70-74
Hack 70. Use Numbers Carefully
Hack 71. Think About Frequencies Rather than Probabilities
Hack 72. Detect Cheaters
Hack 73. Fool Others into Feeling Better
Hack 74. Maintain the Status Quo
7.1. Hacks 70-74
We consider ourselves pretty rational animals, and we can indeed be pretty logical when we put our minds to it. But you only have to scratch the surface to find out how easily we're misled by numbers [Hack #70], and it's well-known that statistics are really hard to understand [Hack #71] . So how good are we at being rational? It depends: our logic skills aren't too hot, for instance, until we need to catch people who might be cheating on us [Hack #72] instead of just logically solving sums. And that's the point. We have a very pragmatic kind of rationality, solving complex problems as long as they're real-life situations.
Pure rationality is overrated anyway. Figuring out logic is slow going when we can have gut feelings instead, and that's a strategy that works. Well, the placebo effect [Hack #73] works at leastbelief is indeed a powerful thing. And we have a strong bias toward keeping the status quo [Hack #74] too. It's not rational, that's for sure, but don't worry; the "If it ain't broke, don't fix it" policy is a pragmatic one, at least.
Hack 70. Use Numbers Carefully
Our brains haven't evolved to think about numbers. Funny things happen to them as they go into our heads.
Although we can instantly appreciate how many items comprise small groups (small meaning four or fewer [Hack #35] ), reasoning about bigger numbers requires counting, and counting requires training. Some cultures get by with no specific numbers higher than 3, and even numerate cultures took a while to invent something as fundamental as zero.1
So we don't have a natural faculty to deal with numbers explicitly; that's a cultural invention that's hitched onto natural faculties we do have. The difficulty we have when thinking about numbers is most apparent when you ask people to deal with very large numbers, with very small numbers, or with probabilities [Hack #71] .
This hack shows where some specific difficulties with numbers come from and gives you some tests you can try on yourself or your friends to demonstrate them.
The biases discussed here and, in some of the other hacks in this chapter, don't affect everyone all the time. Think of them as forces, like gravity or tides. All things being equal, they will tend to push and pull your judgments, especially if you aren't giving your full attention to what you are thinking about.
7.2.1. In Action
How big is:
9 x 8 x 7 x 6 x 5 x 4 x 3 x 2 x 1
How about:
1 x 2 x 3 x 4 x 5 x 6 x 7 x 8 x 9
Since you've got both in front of you, you can easily see that they are equivalent and so must therefore equal the same number. But try this: ask someone the first version. Tell her to estimate, not to calculatehave her give her answer within 5 seconds. Now find another person and ask him to estimate the answer for the second version. Even if he sees the pattern and thinks to himself "ah, 9 factorial," unless he has the answer stored in his head, he will be influenced by the way the sum is presented.
Probably the second person you asked gave a smaller answer, and both people gave figures well below the real answer (which is a surprisingly large 362,880).
7.2.2. How It Works
When estimating numbers, most people start with a number that comes easily to mindan "anchor"and adjust up or down from that initial base. The initial number that comes to mind is really just your first guess, and there are two problems. First, people often fail to adjust sufficiently away from the first guess. Second, the guess can be easily influenced by circumstances. And the initial circumstance, in this case, is the number at the beginning of the sum.
In the previous calculations, anchors people tend to use are higher or lower depending on the first digit of the multiplication (which we read left to right). The anchors then unduly influence the estimate people make of the answer to the calculation. We start with a higher anchor for the first series than for the second. When psychologists carried out an experimental test of these two questions, the average estimate for the first series was 4200, compared to only 500 for the second.
Both estimates are well below the correct answer. Because the series as a whole is made up of small numbers, the anchor in both cases is relatively low, which biases the estimate most people make to far below the true answer.
In fact, you can give people an anchor that has nothing to do with the task you've set for them, and it still biases their reasoning. Try this experiment, which is discussed in Edward Russo and Paul Schoemaker's book Decision Traps.2
Find someonepreferably not a history majorand ask her for the last three digits of her phone number. Add 400 to this number then ask "Do you think Attila the Hun was defeated in Europe before or after X," where X is the year you got by the addition of 400 to the telephone number. Don't say whether she got it right (the correct answer is A.D. 451) and then ask "In what year would you guess Attila the Hun was defeated?" The answers you get will vary depending on the initial figure you gave, even though it is based on something completely irrelevant to the questionher own phone number!
When Russo and Schoemaker performed this experiment on a group of 500 Cornell University MBA students, they found that the number derived from the phone digits acted as a strong anchor, biasing the placing of the year of Attila the Hun's defeat. The difference between the highest and lowest anchors corresponded to a difference in the average estimate of more than 300 years.
7.2.3. In Real Life
You can see charities using this anchoring and adjustment hack when they send you their literature. Take a look at the "make a donation" section on the back of a typical leaflet. Usually this will ask you for something like "$50, $20, $10, $5, or an amount of your choice." The reason they suggest $50, $20, $10, then $5 rather than $5, $10, $20, then $50 is to create a higher anchor in your mind. Maybe there isn't ever much chance you'll give $50, but the "amount of your choice" will be higher because $50 is the first number they suggest.
Maybe anchoring explains why it is common to price things at a cent below a round number, such as at $9.99. Although it is only 1 cent different from $10, it feels (if you don't think about it much) closer to $9 because that's the anchor first established in your mind by the price tag.
Irrelevant anchoring and insufficient adjustment are just two examples of difficulties we have when thinking about numbers. ( [Hack #71] discusses extra difficulties we have when thinking about a particularly common kind of number: probabilities.)
The difficulty we have with numbers is one of the reasons people so often try to con you with them. I'm pretty sure in many debates many of us just listen to the numbers without thinking about them. Because numbers are hard, they lend an air of authority to an argument and can often be completely misleading or contradictory. For instance, "83% of statistics are completely fictitious" is a sentence that could sound convincing if you weren't paying attentionso watch out! It shows just how unintuitive this kind of reasoning is, that we still experience such biases despite most of us having done a decade or so of math classes, which have, as a major goal, to teach us to think carefully about numbers.
The lesson for communicating is that you shouldn't use numbers unless you have to. If you have to, then provide good illustrations, but beware that people's first response will be to judge by appearance rather than by the numbers. Most people won't have an automatic response to really think about the figures you give unless they are motivated, either by themselves or by you and the discussion you give of the figures.
7.2.4. End Notes
1. The MacTutor History of Mathematics Archive: a History of Zero (http://www-gap.dcs.st-and.ac.uk/~history/HistTopics/Zero.html).
2. Russo, J. E., and Schoemaker, P. J. H. (1989). Decision Traps. New York: Doubleday.