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Central and local government

Everyone is exposed to the workings of central and local government, though we may not always recognize it. Increasingly, non-elected bodies, trusts, quangos and so on are responsible for running what we consider to be public services, such as those associated with education, health and water.

It is this growing middle ground, especially between a directly accountable public sector and the newly privatized sector, which is causing public concern. Inevitably a spotlight has been cast on the way in which public money is spent and the way in which decisions are made. Such new bodies are in fact obliged to report to the center in one way or another, but the transparency of their operations has been clouded.

That said, the UK system of government, though sometimes complex, still remains the envy of many countries. As consumers, we may not think it perfect. As practitioners, however, we should know its functions and means of access.

 

Government

It would be dangerous to identify current government departments or the make-up of the cabinet here, since changes can occur literally overnight. The press will usually identify the new shape of government or a shift in ministerial duties as a change occurs. There are also many reference books on the organization of government, the infrastructure which supports it, such as the civil service, and the growing numbers of agencies and quangos which implement policy.

The role of government, via the Parliament processes, remains constant – to legislate, regulate and levy taxes in order to pay for public services. The vast array of government services – either directly provided or indirectly through agencies or funding support – means that the government itself is the country’s prime employer and a major customer.

A relatively recent development is to shift control of the activities government departments from ‘the centre’. While ministries for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are well established, increasingly the move is to consolidate regional administrations in England, creating more headquarters for services away from ‘Whitehall’.

This growing regionalism aims to localize key government departments, providing a single point of contact for local businesses and councils. Regional issues in theory are more likely to be identified by this new network and fed into the government machine.

It also means that extra lines of communication with government have resulted. Knowledge of the personalities involved in these local ‘satellites’ as well as the ‘core’ is therefore an asset.

 

Access

 

1 Making contact with government has become an industry all of its own. There are any number of lobbying companies which will claim as part of their services to have the right contacts or to effect the right introductions. A ‘dating agency’ approach, or hosting a reception for example, will not alone be enough to make sound contacts to help further your case.

2 Research and making the right local/regional/national or even international connections will yield a more productive outcome – provided a number of key prerequisites are attended to:



 

· invest time in identifying the key influencing figures or parties;

· anticipate their attitude towards the issue; be ready to counter or bring in new areas for discussion;

· use your own influential figures to effect introductions;

· start at or near the top of the organization to be targeted;

· use a senior in-house person to make contact and to lead the campaign;

· develop a good rapport with those outside the organization who can help or advise you.

 

3 Meetings with ministers to discuss an issue will only rarely happen at the first attempt. They are busy people who will be protected from the demands of ‘outsiders’. Good links with the minister’s private office may assist in your efforts but others, like supportive MPs, may also help meanwhile by putting your case direct.

4 The likelihood is that meetings, when they can be arranged, will be with civil servants. Similarly, replies to letters sent to ministers will almost inevitably be drafted (and probably signed) by an official. This is not necessarily a bad thing. It gives a point of contact, a starting point for dialogue. Senior civil servants are best placed to assist.

5 The government has its own public relations officers too who act as spokespersons for departments and are part of the Government Information Service and are therefore at the center of ‘official’ government PR activity.

6 It is important to remember that civil servants are not political appointments – they are paid to serve the government of the day and they defend their right to impartiality vigorously.

7 Hence, their value in the public affairs process lies in their ability to interpret government thinking and policy; knowing how and with whom to work to convert it into action; acting as an informal sounding board; ensuring the government is well appraised of third party thinking and ultimately that the government machine works effectively.

8 Thus, achieving consensus is in the civil servants’ interests as much as that of their ministers or secretaries of state.

9 There is another figure in the process, that of the political or special adviser. They act in a (politically) advisory capacity to government ministers or leading spokespeople in the main political parties and are likely to harbour political aspirations.

10 Theyare not constrained by the same rules as mainstream civil servants and act as a conduit of information within the party and between its key political figures. On behalf of their political bosses, they are anxious to detect problems early and advise or deploy tactics to avoid confrontation and engineer the least damaging outcome.

 

Members

The role of the constituency MP should never be ignored in any issue which has as impact on the local community. The government of the day has the majority vote, but the views of the local MP are often sought by the government, the press and others when a locally contentious matter is under discussion.

Achieving a degree of understanding and sympathy from a local MP for your particular campaign is clearly to your advantage. They can take up points on your behalf, assist with introductions, write letters to ministers (which are treated differently from those from the public in the answering ‘process’) and in media terms can be an asset in putting over the case.

It is important for the elected representative in Parliament to know how national issues will impact upon his or her own area. Therefore their involvement should be sought when they can act as a local voice in those arenas where access by an individual or business may be difficult.

Contact with local MPs is less complicated than contact with ministers. Many will have researchers and secretaries based at the House of Commons, local surgeries are held on a regular basis and letters (in their view a barometer of the local opinion) to their constituency or to the Commons will receive replies. Try to make your letters brief, focus on the key points and be open in your request for assistance.

It is important to remember, however, that letters form but one element in the politics of persuasion of public affairs activity. Creating a grouping of influential MPs to support your cause will take some time and may well be a long-term aim of any major business or trade organization (themselves a powerful lobby). But the value of a group of like-minded, especially cross-party, MPs to exert pressure, negotiate an open up other channels of communication or potential support will be invaluable in the long term.

In this case detailed knowledge of the parliamentary process, achieved by close scrutiny of the Select Committees, monitoring PQs (Parliamentary Questions and Answers) and debates, along with the myriad numbers of party documents, policy papers and the like will be necessary in order to group members together – or consider the use of political lobbyists.

Equally, those in the upper chamber, the House of Lords, can be powerful allies. Political affiliations are less overt, but their influence and persuasion can be a useful counter to the Commons. Many peers have held positions of power and are well connected.

At some point meetings will be necessary with appropriate peers, MPs and/or their researchers. These should be prefaced by then backed up with, short but explicit notes about the issue in question. The value of the succinctly packaged, well-argued and thoroughly researched briefing note cannot be over-estimated.

For a busy parliamentarian there is a huge advantage in having a pitchy aide mémoire to help them understand the basis for the discussion you have sought or to assist them make the (i.e. your) key points in debate, a letter to a newspaper or in a speech.

The constraints on their time mean they are more likely to use something they know will represent the views of the organization because it has been supplied to them – rather than have to do the research themselves.

Underlying all of this activity is some blindingly obvious advice about gaining access:

 

· establish the correct target(s) for your communication;

· make contact in a businesslike way;

· do it at the first opportunity, but recognize any politically sensitive times such as an election period;

· once in contact, keep up the flow of information.

 

People in the public eye do not like to be caught out.

Waiting until the last minute, as the bill is going through the House or the local community/business/trade association/ union are already at fever pitch, will make it extremely difficult to find consensus in an objective fashion. By then it is almost too late.

It is better to have established a rapport, earned a reputation for reliability, demonstrated a credible voice in the sector by simply ensuring your public affairs (or was that public relation?) has been carefully planned, managed and sustained over time. Campaigning becomes all the easier against this solid background and the doors of those you need to convince – when necessary – will be easier to open.

 

Local government

Local government is also based on a democratic system of representation. Just as MPs represent their constituents in Parliament, so the local population has the opportunity to elect councilors to make decisions on their behalf on those services provided by local authorities.

Local authorities count for about a quarter of all public expenditure in Britain. The public affairs remit, by implication, is huge both for the authorities themselves and for those who will be involved in activities which have an impact on a community served by a local authority.

While MPs are salaried, councilors are not. (Some holding major responsibilities such as chairing committees or a council leader receive fixed allowances, however.) While MPs have allowances for secretarial and research support, councilors rarely have similar facilities.

And in some instances, councilors hold down a job while juggling their personal time to attend meetings, carry out site visits or undertake surgeries for their constituents. Others will dedicate themselves to being a councillor as a full-time role or perhaps take it up after retirement.

The role of a councillor is one of local representation both to the local community and, in certain instances, to the government and its ministers.

While the outcome of the current review of local government is still to be fully implemented, the future structure of local government in Britain envisages a system of:

 

· county councils;

· district (sometimes also called borough) councils;

· metropolitan councils;

· unitary (or most purpose) councils;

· parish and town councils.

 

In some areas, a ‘two tier’ system of county and district councils in one county area will continue, the county council providing the major services which are best organized on a wider scale (such as education, social services, strategic planning and economic development), and the district council responsible for services such as refuse collection, local leisure facilities and collection of council tax.

Elsewhere a single council will provide all or most local authority services on its own. Certain local authority services may be organized through joint boards or quangos or provided on a contracted out basis.

Parish and town, councils are not in existence in every part of the country, but where they are, they concentrate on very local matters (and in certain circumstances can act as partners or agents for other local authorities).

 

Gaining access

1 Though not every authority will have a professional public relations officer with whom to make contact for advice, virtually all will publish their own leaflets or newspapers, take comprehensive entries in the telephone directory, issue citizen’s charters and have help points or information centers in public offices such as libraries or service reception areas.

2 Such information may be the foundation of effective public sector relations, but for those who are not familiar with the way councils work it is an invaluable means of identifying what is going on in a community; who the main personalities are and what the local policies are on specific issues.

3 Each of the respective ‘tiers’ of local government also have their own associations which represent their interests at national level with government ministers, senior civil servants and other relevant national associations, pressure groups and so on.

4 These organizations are charged with a broad lobbying remit and as such form an influential body of opinion on behalf of their respective members. They are therefore also the prime influence and interior of policy likely to affect their member authorities.

5 When trying to build alliances or determine the strength of the opposition never overlook the views of the appropriate local authority. Elected councilors will want and need to be aware of something which is likely to affect their patch.

6 Like MPs they will act as a resourceful ally if they share your objectives. They too will want to know about the issues affecting their constituents, given that councils provide schools, planning, social services, highways, transport, leisure facilities, fire and rescue, libraries, refuse collection and so on.

7 And sometimes via a party political network, or simply through constituency matters, they will be in contact with local MPs to discuss issues of common concern.

8 Local government is, generally speaking, much more accessible to the public than central government. Council offices and services are situated in the locality, with their committees and the full council meetings – where the decisions are taken – open to the public.

9 Who writes the committee papers upon which so many hours are spent in public debate? The answer is, the officers – usually. Just as civil servants will advise their political bosses and act in a non-political capacity, so will council officers.

10 Basing their advice on professional expertise and local knowledge, they will offer elected members impartial advice.

11 So they, too, need to be considered an important target for information and potential alliances in public affairs activity. Be prepared to be referred to a less senior officer, even if your personal approach or letter is made to the chief officer.

12 Many authorities now have ‘directorates’ with a multi-disciplined person to head a multi-function department; the second or third tier official below that person is most likely to be the individual actually dealing with the matter with which you are concerned.

13 With major policy matters usually the appropriate service chief officer or even the chief executive personally take the lead, in conjunction with leading elected members. Grouping of local authorities are formed on areas of concern – from airport developments to economic strategies – and can be a powerful voice on the national scene, thus making them influential allies or opponents.

 

Case studies

The nature of democracy means local authorities can simultaneously work with or oppose central government. The two spheres of government are closely inter-linked and are likely to remain so, as long as local government funding relies on the central exchequer so heavily and the implementation of government policy implies a key role for local government’s services.

While the conflicts will continue with such democratic arrangements in place, the strain will manifest themselves on local communities, business, consumer groups, the voluntary sector and other interested parties. But it can be used to advantage in campaigning on issues, or when circumstances dictate that alliances need to be formed and coordinated action is important to win people, councils or governments over.

The following case studies set some interesting examples.

 

Bail Bandits – A campaign to change the law

Background

Crime in Avon and Somerset rose to a record height in 1990. Statistics showed police were solving twice as many crimes in 1990 compared to 1980, yet the overall detection rate had dropped.

A detailed study by the constabulary was undertaken to find out why.

It revealed a rising tide of offences – particularly burglary and theft of and from vehicles – committed by people who had been arrested and were free on bail pending a court hearing.

 

Objectives

 

1. To raise public awareness of the problem through media activity.

2. Enlist the support of influential parties.

3. To persuade the government to amend the Police and Criminal Evidence Act (PACE) to give police powers to detain offenders whom officers suspect will reoffend if granted bail.

4. To press the government to provide a disincentive by introducing a new offence of offending on bail.

 

The publics

Six distinct groups emerged:

 

· the public;

· opinion leaders in the criminal justice system;

· MPs, Home Office officials;

· other chief constables;

· Police Authority;

· the media.

 

The strategy

The required clarification/amendments to PACE centred on the interpretation of a clause relating to bail. It was obvious from the start that a clear identity was needed for the campaign and objectives simplified to excite public interest.

The main thrust of the campaign would be to call for a change in the law which would make offending on bail an offence in its right.

A catchword to describe ‘reoffenders on bail’ was needed and the term ‘bail bandits’ emerged which was immediately adopted by the media and even the Home Secretary.

A key element was to establish the chief constable of Avon and Somerset as the spokesperson, and maintain a campaign style which reflected his personality and commitment.

The execution

It was likely that the media were going to approach key members of the probation service and leading magistrates for comment. It was important that they did not perceive the campaign as an attack on them, thus diverting attention from the real problem. Key representatives were briefed so that if they were approached by the media their comments would be informed, constructive and hopefully, supportive.

A feature article about the research was placed in the Police Review which was published in July 1991. The magazine has an influential readership which includes chief police officers, Home Office ministers and MPs with an interest in police affairs.

Local and national media were invited to a press conference the same day. Reporters were briefed about the campaign and the results of the research. Filming opportunities were provided (e.g. cells, an offender being charged) and reporters were given examples of instances where individuals had committed up to hundred offences while on bail awaiting trial.

Details of the campaign were presented to the Avon and Somerset Police Authority, and local MPs were briefed and asked for their support.

The Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO), which represents all police forces in Britain, was asked to take up the issue and press other forces to carry out similar research.

Every opportunity to publicize the campaign was exploited – publication of crime statistics; cases where offenders had gone on to commit offences once freed on bail: Home Secretary’s visit to Bristol in July 1992.

Employees were kept informed about the campaign and the Police Federation, which represents officers up to the rank of chief inspector, debated the issue at its national conference, fuelling further publicity and discussion.

Budget

Virtually nil. All costs, e.g. postage, photocopying, were borne by the normal overheads of the department.

 

Evaluation

The campaign gained extensive media coverage on national and local TV and radio, and in newspapers and magazines. It was supported by MPs, the Police Authority and ACPO.

In February 1992, the Home Secretary announced measures to tackle the bail bandits which included tougher penalties for those who offend while on bail.

A working group which included a senior Avon and Somerset officer, was appointed by the Home Office to review the PACE in relation to bail.

Interestingly, the Constabulary state:

 

Because of the nature of our organization we are in frequent contact with our local MPs (and they with us). They are very interested in, and reflect the interests of their constituents by giving a high priority to matters affecting law and order. The Police Federation also ‘sponsors’ a number of MPs. It would have been far more difficult had we had to go in cold and lobby MPs with whom we had very little, if any, contact.

The most important and effective publics for the campaign were the media, MPs and other police forces.

The first article about the research was deliberately placed in Police Review as that national publication is read by MPs, Home Office civil servants and police officers of all ranks. The chief constable personally sent copies of the research findings to all 15 MPs in Avon and Somerset, expressing the hope that they would be able to exert pressure on the government to take action.

The 15 included some very influential and high profile MPs. Their reaction was very positive and at least one of them raised the issue direct with the Home Secretary. Others were in contact with the Home Office over the issue as a result of the chief constable’s approach.

The chief constable also presented the research findings to the Avon and Somerset Police Authority and the matter was raised at the Association of County Council’s Police Committee.

The chief constable wrote to the chairperson of the crime committee of ACPO, which represents all police forces in Britain, drawing attention to the findings and giving them the opportunity to determine a national strategy. The chief suggested the research work could be replicated on a national basis – anticipating that the Home Office and politicians would find such research findings very difficult to ignore.

ACPO raised the matter at its Central Conference in July 1991 and the high media profile gained for the campaign resulted in interest from institutions, academics and invitations for the chief constable to speak at related seminars, conferences etc.

The chief personally contacted Home Office civil servants and when a working group was appointed by the Home Office to review the Police and Criminal Evidence Act in relation to bail, it included a senior Avon and Somerset officer (assistant chief constable).

The Constabulary consider that the media and the MPs were the best people to enlist. Access was straightforward as they deal with all of these publics on a very regular if not daily or hourly (in the case of the media) basis. One of the obvious pitfalls avoided was to approach the probation service, magistrates etc in advance of the campaign to ensure that they did not perceive it as an attack on them.

 

Trident – battle of the dockyards

Devonport Management Limited (DML) was one of two companies competing for the Ministry of Defence Trident nuclear submarine refitting contract. Worth ₤5 billion, it would ensure a future for the winning dockyard and safeguard thousands of jobs. For Devonport it meant 5,200 jobs in the yard, 20,000 regional jobs and ₤540 million in annual regional income.

 


Date: 2015-12-18; view: 631


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