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The role of national and local government.

Government, both local and national, can play important roles in promoting the well-being of their citizens. The economy is central to happiness as a link in meeting human needs, particularly as related to full and rewarding employment. Well-being also derive from proper balances between work and life enjoyment and governments could promote policies that reduce the working week to 20 or 30 hours, support earlier retirement, and develop an educational system that also include programs supporting well-being. In particular it is important to focus on the early years of children and facilitate parenting. The objective of social policy should be to support parenting in an effort to create happy children with paid parental leave for mothers through early childhood. Advertisement often creates false values in both children and adults promoting hedonism and immediate satisfaction and government should take action to remove these from the media. In a society created for well-being the promotion of the use of harmful products like tobacco and those directed at the manipulation of children should not have a place in the public media. Furthermore, government should seek the active participation of citizens in decision-making and in creating a society of both individual and social well-being. Social well-being in turn depends on norms of democracy and the quality of informed decisions (Ott, 2005; Shah & Marks, 2004).

The foregoing paragraphs reflect achievable ideals for governments interested in promoting the welfare of its citizens, and a utopian society that is nevertheless possible by making happiness and well-being an explicit policy goal. This quality of government is only possible where fundamental human needs are met and where governments also promote universal values of freedom in decision making participation and expressions. The example of the Arab spring shows that despite government terror people are motivated not only by material goals, but perhaps more importantly by opportunities for free expression and for achieving an abstract idea of liberation. Bhutan a small country has worked to improve the overall quality of life of its citizens and has placed well-being standards as a fundamental policy goal by suggesting that “gross national happiness is more important than “gross national product”. The effect of government intervention in Bhutan and the importance placed on well-being are reflected in a much higher ranking on happiness (Shrotryia, 2011). Although Bhutan lags behind in development indexes like the HDI, the citizens are happier than those living in more developed countries.

Summary

Emotions are central to an understanding of our life experiences and provide color and meaning to communication. Although research has demonstrated the presence of emotions in other primates our linguistic and cognitive abilities makes human emotions more complex. Also we have unique self-reflections that produce self and other-related emotions which reflect moral positions. The universal presence of basic emotions point to a biological basis closely connected to signals in the autonomic and central nervous systems. Emotions evolved from primate ancestors because they served the cause of adaptation by communicating important meanings.



We understand the emotions of others through their facial expressions. The studies based on the Ekman model describes the six basic emotions and provide strong evidence for cross-cultural recognition of happiness, sadness, anger, fear, disgust and surprise. Respondents in these studies came from industrialized societies suggesting to critics that the cross-cultural concordance was a result of cultural diffusion. However, studies of respondents in pre-literate societies replicated the universal recognition of facial expressions. When investigating spontaneous responses to stressful situations these studies also produced universal agreement on the emotions expressed, a result that is now commonly accepted as genetically based.

Nevertheless these studies have been criticized by the difficulty of finding equivalent emotion labels in different cultures and the possibility that concordance in cross-cultural agreement is produced by social learning. Some researchers have also argued that emotional expressions are learned over the course of socialization, and that the universality in recognition of facial expressions cannot be divorced from cultural diffusion. The aforementioned Ekman type studies relied on photographs to display the basic emotions, but the critics ask what does that tell about expressions in real life situations? Further, it was argued that the studies do not take into account the social context, especially the varying culturally based display rules for emotion.

The defenders of the proposition that basic emotions are universal and genetically determined argue that facial recognition of emotion is an area much broader than about contentiousness verbal descriptions. For example, the same emotions have been found in infants long before language development. Further, perfect concordance between cultural groups is not necessary to support universality of recognition, only statistically significant cross-cultural agreement demonstrating that universality is not a chance phenomenon. Still some disagreement remain about the sources of universal recognition of emotions as to whether they can be attributed to cultural diffusion, similar cross-cultural learning processes, or to automatic responses dependent only on biology.

The definitive answer was produced by Matsumoto’s and Willingham’s studies of sighted and blind athletes competing at the Athens Olympic events. Although representing many different cultures there were no differences in facial expressions in the salient emotional events that resulted from the awarding of medals. The responses of the athletes were also photographed in a naturalistic setting. Results demonstrated that no differences exist in emotional facial expressions between blind and sighted athletes, or between congenital or non-congenital blind athletes. These studies provide definitive support for the contention that facial expressions of basic emotions are universal, and not dependent on cultural diffusion, but rather an adaptation that is genetically determined.

Support for universality has also been found in research on other emotion constructs. Antecedent events refer to situations that produce emotions. Large scale studies found cross-cultural support for the contention that similar antecedents produce similar emotions in all cultural groups. However, some cross-cultural differences were observed related to different cognitive interpretations of the antecedent situations. Vocalization and intonation are also emotion constructs. Studies that controlled for linguistic meaning found cross-cultural support for the universal recognition of the emotional meanings derived from intonation. However, a small role for culture remained as some information was lost due to linguistic differences. The appraisal of emotions refers to the evaluation of the antecedent events. Results showed that similar appraisal dimensions were used in different cultural groups. Although there were differences in appraisal between the six basic emotions, within each emotion the appraisal was similar. Together these results present further evidence for the universality of experienced emotion, although with a moderating role of culture from cognitive interpretations, linguistic differences, and cultural values.

Culture and biology are but two sides of the same coin. Therefore biological and cultural theories are not incompatible since they represent but different aspects of the same phenomenon. Linguistic differences are important since the same emotion labels are not present in all societies. At the same time the presence or absence of labels may indicate something about the cultural salience of that emotion domain. Cultures socialize children in self concepts and world views that determine to some extent the experiencing and display of emotions.

Cultures have a dominant effect in formulating the display rules governing emotional expression. Society has over the course of history developed specific rules for facial and other forms of emotion expression. Asian respondents do not display emotions the same way when alone as when in the company of others. Some cultures encourage members to display less emotion than that which is truly felt, encourage control of facial expressions, or promote the use of a facial mask to distort the emotion felt. Individualistic and collectivistic cultures have different display rules for emotion intensity and negative ratings. Face is preserved by suppressing or withholding negative emotional reactions. Asian respondents also rated the intensity of negative emotions at lower levels compared to individualistic respondents. Overall, however, there is cross-cultural evidence that the intimacy of the relationship determine the display of emotions. At the same time collectivistic respondents are encouraged to display more positive emotions toward members of the ingroup and more negative emotions toward outgroup members consistent with the emphasis on ingroup social harmony.

Culture also influences the need for personal space and gestures as a form of non-verbal communication. Cultures differ in the amount of comfort zone space required when communicating with strangers. In particular Latin, southern European, and Asian countries require less personal space, perhaps a consequence of population density. Gestures are used to communicate or emphasize emotions in speech. A few gestures appear to be universal, but the cultural contexts have given meaning to most. The frequency of the use of gestures also appears culturally determined. Cultural values determine to some extent our ability to read emotions in others. Respondents from individualistic cultures are better able to read negative emotions compared to participants from collectivistic societies. Since most of us experience life within a culture there is also an ingroup advantage in recognizing emotional signals from other ingroup members.

As noted there is a cultural context to emotional communication although emotions are central to the experiencing of happiness and well-being everywhere. Therapeutic work aiming at improving mental health encourages patients to recognize and accept their emotions. In fact recognizing emotions accurately are seen as a way to improve communication in a variety of settings. Culture in particular impact the cognitive structuring of emotional experiences, the regulation of emotional expressions, and the display rules for emotional expression.

Cross-cultural understanding of emotional communication depends on the presence of appropriate linguistic concepts. The differences between the cultural values of individualistic and collectivistic cultures produce a varying emphasis on the self and social group as a source of happiness that in turn produces habitual ways of emotion expression. Cultures also determine how emotions are experienced through the appraisal process, the enforcement of display rules, and by the presence or absence of relevant linguistic concepts and labels. In the final analysis emotions are both cultural and biological.

In recent times we have observed an increased interest in building a science of positive human functioning in psychology. Happiness has both cognitive and affective components found in the pleasure of life and the meeting of basic human needs. Happiness is ubiquitous, but individualistic and collectivistic cultures have different understandings of happiness that are consistent with cultural values. The basic cultural question is: is happiness found in self-defined well-being of the individual or in striving for social harmony.

In studying cross-cultural differences and similarities there are many methodological obstacles. Despite the centrality of happiness to human life there is little concordance in how to define and measure the construct. The Human Development Index produces a focus on tangible variables that result in a better quality of life. The second component is how people subjectively feel about their lives. The subjective component is more significant as it can overrule well-being for some who live with the best quality of life. In this chapter happiness and subjective well-being is used interchangeably, but some think happiness a more transitory term for emotion.

The chapter reviewed the case for a homeostatic theory or system designed to preserve a steady state of well-being through dispositional factors including the ability to adapt, but also cognitive abilities that allow selective attention to the positive. This homeostatic stability system is thought to have a genetic basis although the gene pathway is not understood. Homeostatic balance is maintained through external and internal buffers that help people overcome adverse conditions.

Sources of well-being include the basic material conditions of society including the presence of sufficient money. Well-being is higher when society creates norms encouraging social security, health care, political rights, and sufficient material resources. Under such favorable conditions people live longer and suffer less anxiety. Cultural values play a role since in collectivistic societies happiness is based more on the well-being of family and society whereas in individualistic cultures happiness is perceived to be more a function of self-enhancement. The lower happiness scores in collectivistic societies may be an artifact of these normative differences.

Studies show that most people are happy in both developed and developing societies. However, we have little or no data from countries ravaged by war, or in deep economic disstress. Although the trending of happiness scores have been generally upward in recent decades, it is difficult to see this trend continue with the upheavals from globalization and the Great Recession. Material conditions are essential to happiness, but other social conditions including liberty and justice norms also play a role.

Making cross-cultural comparisons about happiness is often difficult since it’s a challenge to find equivalent concepts in all cultures. However, culture has an impact on happiness as understood within the framework of cultural values. Nevertheless, in each culture happiness is also dependent on dispositional factors and personal resources. For example some individuals are born with agreeable temperaments making them a rewarding presence in social interaction, and they are therefore recipients of reciprocal affection that produces happiness. The cultivation of positive illusions might also serve as a buffer against adversity, whereas the reality oriented suffer more sorrow and anxiety. Some people just make poor predictions and suffer from consequent negative impact of decisions.

The chapter concludes with a discussion of the role of government to promote policies that produce well-being. Psychologists can make important contributions by assessing well-being and by measuring the factors that make for more happy lives. This research can and should be used by governments as a guide to policies. Countries vary widely in development related to happiness indexes. However, the role of subjective happiness is often independent of social development. Nevertheless government can play a role by promoting policies that support a better work-life balance, support well-being programs in educational systems, and in focusing on the earlier years by lending support to parenting. Finally, good quality government is only possible where fundamental human needs are met, and where universal values of democratic participation and freedom constitute fundamental norms guiding society.

 

Chapter 8

PERSONALITY THEORY: WESTERN, EASTERN AND INDIGENOUS APPROACHES

 

Personality theory has played an important role in the development of contemporary cross-cultural psychology. The personal dispositions represented by the term personality refer to enduring thinking patterns or other traits that are manifested consistently in behavior across changing situations, contexts or relationships. Some personality psychologists would argue that personality is what makes a person unique and distinct from others. However, the most important aspect of any definition is the conception of the enduring nature of personality traits that it typically remains stable across the lifespan and in different social contexts.

The personality construct has also been applied in an attempt to understand national character viewed as a syndrome of traits shared by all members of a society and providing the possibility for cross-national comparisons. Furthermore, as we observed in the last chapter advances in genetic and biological research have reliably demonstrated that some traits like temperament or intelligence are hardwired heritable traits. However, investigators in cultural psychology and anthropology believe that culture plays a major role in forming culturally unique personality traits developed from the sociocultural environment and consistent cultural practices.

The dominant model of personality structure is the trait approach that examines specific qualities distinguishing the individual from other persons. For example a person described as an affable is thought to be consistently outgoing and warm toward others regardless of changing situations. A consideration of comparative research on the Big Five personality traits discussed previously supports the conception of the universal structure of personality. Using the Big Five trait model cultures can be compared on the frequency and strength of personality structures considered universal in all cultures. The etiology of universal personality structures are linked to evolutionary forces that created genetic predispositions for behavior, but perhaps also cultures that reinforce similar learning from universal common human needs and experiences (Church & Lonner, 1998; MacDonald, 1998).

Cultural psychologists argue that indigenous cultures have the ability to produce unique personalities consistent within a society but varying across cultures. Furthermore, the cultural psychologists would argue that since each culture produces unique personality traits it is not possible to make cross-cultural comparisons. The cultural and anthropological approach to personality would largely reject any hardwired basis for personality insisting instead on the unique within cultural forces that mold the child and adult (Kim, 2001). On the surface the cross-cultural and cultural viewpoints seem to be fundamentally opposing perspectives, but they can be reconciled. This book has argued that we need all disciplinary focuses to serve as windows into the complex reality of personality.

A discussion of personality theory typically begins with a consideration of Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic contributions (Freud, 1961). Personality theories have been created in a dialectical process of assertion of principles or theses, protests against these conclusions about human nature as either false or lacking in comprehensiveness, and then alternative theoretical propositions. This dialectical process is pivotal to the understanding of this chapter since it describes the history of Western personality theories.

However, there are also perspectives that emerged out of the great thinkers of the East like Confucius in China and the teachings of Buddha. Both philosophical perspectives have broadly influenced thinking about what it means to be human and can also be thought of as personality theories. All personality perspectives seem to have developed from the confluence of individual experiences of the theorists and the relevant cultural and environmental milieu. Whether Freud or Buddha it was significant personal events that influenced their lives that in turn formed their thinking about personality and human development. The sociocultural environment in each case provided the conceptual framework available in building their models and the cultural values developed from historical experiences and social organization contributed significantly to their theories.


Date: 2015-01-11; view: 916


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