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States on the territory of Kazakhstan in the 14- 15 centuries

1. Historiography of the Golden Horde and sources of studying

Studying the history of the Golden Horde has a long tradition. For the first time in Russian science this theme was turned to as long ago as in 1826, when the Russian Academy of Sciences announced the contest on the topic: "What consequences did the rule of the Mongols in Russia, have namely, what it was influence upon the political power of the states, the polity and it¢s internal governing (ruling). And what can you tell about enlightenment and education of the people?

By the time fixed the Academy of Sciences had received a handwritten essay in German, written by the Viennese orientalist Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall (June 9, 1774 – November 23, 1856), who was worldwide known for his researches on the history Khulaguids in Iran and a multi-volume work on the history of the Ottoman Turks. Hammer¢s Work remains the only study on the history of the Golden Horde in the West European Oriental studies.

To the Golden Horde history was devoted a considerable space in the three-volume history of the Mongols of the English orientalist Hovar, published in the 80 of the XIX century.

Russian Oriental Study went in another way. Russian historians have sought out and translated into Russian works both Western travelers (Julian, Plano Carpini, Rubruck, Marco Polo, Clavijo, Schiltberger Jehoshaphat Barbbaro, etc.), and works of Oriental writers.

In addition, Russian historians took up careful studying of separate problems of the Dzhuchi Ulus. As a result, academicians V.V. Barthold and B.Ya. Vladimirtsov were able to restore the social-economic system and political structure of the Mongolian state. A major achievement of Soviet historiography in the study of the history of the Golden Horde was appearance of a collective work of two eminent Soviet historians – B.D. Grekov and A.Y. Yakubowski "Golden Horde", published in 1937.

The next stage in studying of the history of the Golden Horde was publication of a monographic study of M.G. Safargaliyev devoted to the final stages of the Golden Horde history, when the Horde, as an integral state had already entered a stage of its decline as a result of feudal groups struggle for power. The author in most detail way considers the history of the formation of the Golden Horde and its transformation into a powerful state in Eastern Europe.

In V.L. Yegorov¢s monography was fully implemented the task of reconstruction of historical geography of the Golden Horde. In it the author basing on complex analysis of written sources and archaeological data reveals the dynamics of the administrative boundaries of the Golden Horde, its internal division, the place of cities in the administrative structure of the Golden Horde, the administrative and political structure of this state and the influence of the military-political factor in the development of the ulus system and geographic boundaries of the Golden Horde throughout its existence.



Appraisal of the Golden period of history in the Dasht-i Qipchaq and attached, and above mentioned joined the historically independent regions and the Mongol conquest itself, varied with time from unambiguously negative (in the terms of the appraisal of the order established by the Mongols and becoming the Horde firmly established as a nation of aggressive artificially created with arms and which kept at the expense of arms to more objective taking into account positive aspects of the Golden Horde history influence upon fates of independent nations and state entities, which formed on its territory and the adjoining lands.

In Trepavlov¢s monography is researched the statehood of the Mongol Empire in the XIIIth century. In this work in a new way has been considered a problem of developing Turkic nomadic traditions, continuity of ancient Turkic statehood in the Mongolian time, both in the construction of the Mongol Empire, and in the social-economic structure of the states, which formed after its disintegration.

Much attention was paid to researching issues of the history of the major political entities, which formed after the collapse of the Golden Horde: Ak-Horde, Kok-Horde, Abulhair¢s Khanate, the Nogay Horder. In literature there were a lot of discussions on these states. Some researches considered them as separate phenomena, the ephemeral political entities, while others emphasized their internal political unity, state administrative structure, economic isolation

The issue concerning the Ak-Horde, Kok-Horde not only developed into a discussion about the time of appearance and disappearance of the Ak-Horde, but also questioned the very existence of the Ak-Horde as virtually an independent state.

The history of Abulhair¢s Khanate (or Nomadic Uzbek State) and the Nogay Horde also studied in the monographies of B.A. Akhmedov and B.A. Kochekaev.

Significance of independent states of the Ak-Horde and Abulhair¢s Khanate in the system of Turkic states recognized by the researchers at nowadays.

Thus, a brief review in the study of the Golden Horde for the period of almost 200 years, allows recognizing the priority of Russian scientists in studying history of the Golden Horde. The value of their conclusions is that they rely on the results and comparisons of medieval written sources and archaeological data of the Golden Horde of the Volga cities – Sarai-Batu. Russian scientists to whom belongs the credit in the introduction of a number of medieval written sources into science.

Under the almost complete absence of sources, created directly in the Golden Horde, works of foreign contemporaries have exceptional significance. In this connection it should be noted V.G. Tiesenhausen¢s credit in search and publication of the Eastern sources.

In 1884 was published his "Collection of chronicles on the history of the Golden Horde", which included data of all known Arab writers of the Golden Horde. VG Tizengauzen also started collecting and extracting from the works of Persian authors, which remained unpublished during his lifetime. In 1941 Academy of Sciences of the USSR issued the second volume of the collected materials by VG Tiesenhausen in the edition of A.A. Romaskevich and S.L. Volin.

In the writings of the Arabs found the reflection mainly the initial stages of the history of the Golden Horde. This is explained with the fact that the Arabs (the Mamluk sultans of Egypt) were military allies of the Golden Horde in their fight against Hulaguid rulers of Iran and were interested in it as long as the Horde was in force. General attention of Arab is authors was paid to description of geography and the internal structure of the Golden Horde. Of the greatest interest in these works are general description of the territory of the State, as well as a list of various districts and cities.

In the contest of geographical description of the Golden Horde is a valuable piece of the Arabic merchant and traveler Ibn Battuta, representing a panegyric to Uzbek Khan. Ibn Battuta made a journey through the possessions the Golden Horde Uzbek khan: from the Crimea, through the North Caucasus and the Volga region to Khwarezm. His story contains numerous specific geographic details, descriptions of cities, showing the distances between them, data on the administrative structure, trade and economy of individual uluses of the Golden Horde.

Similar information, added with a list of nations that were a part of the Golden Horde, gave in his work in the Arabic writer of the XIV century. Al-Omari.

From the second half of the XIV century after the Golden Horde was in the condition of civil strifes, the Arabs had lost all their interest to it. Therefore, Arabic authors' data from that period of time became superficial. Of the works of these authors it should be noted the work by Ibn Khaldoun. The writing of Ibn Khaldun included more or less accurate rendering of events inside the life of the Golden Horde in the interval between Berdibek¢s Khan Death and the coronation of Tohtamish.

The information presented in the book of Ibn 'Arab-shah, who personally visited Sarai and Astrakhan, Stary Krym, immediately after the destruction of these cities by Timur have great interest for us. Of particular value is that fact, that he owned the local languages - Mongolian and Turkic and personally spoke to eye-witnesses of these events. Arabic authors as representatives of the union state had access to the territory of the Golden Horde. So their descriptions differ with certain geographical accuracy. Other data, for example, of a social-political nature, we find in the writings of Persian authors of the XIII -XIV centuries, who lived at the court of the Khulaguids hostile to the Zhuchids. They closely watched the military-political situation at their northern neighbor, particularly all the circumstances, which one way or another could influence the outcome of their confrontation. The main stumbling block between the Zhuchids and Khulaguids was the Caucasus, that is why in Persian writings, there are not almost any data about the western uluses of the Golden Horde, sometimes they contain unique data about the eastern part of the Zhuchi ulus: about the North Caucasus, where passed the main line of confrontation, about relations between Gold Horde States and the states of Chagatai and Ugedei¢s descendants in Central Asia, about possessions of Zhuchids by the Syr Darya River and Semirech'e .

Persian written sources of the Golden Horde can be divided into early, made up in western Iran (their authors saw the Golden Horde as their enemy, they had to constantly fight in the Caucasus with), and late, originated mainly in Eastern Iran and Central Asia (they refer to the time of"Orda Troubles").

Unlike the Arabic authors, the Persian were connected with the Persian aristocracy of the Khulaguids the Timurid, were hostile to the Zhuchi house. They looked at the events taking place in the north, just as biased as the Arabs. But if the Arabs portrayed the Golden Horde in pink colors, the Persians, by contrast, emphasized the weaknesses of the Zhuchi ulus.

There is a text of so important source for studying the history of the Golden Horde, as "Anonymous Iskander", compiled in 1413-1414 and dedicated to Timurid Iskander. Here it is significant events which took place in the Golden Horde after of Berdibek¢s death. They were described with very great details in it. This source is directly concerns the discussion, which later followed in historical science on the history of the origin and location of the Ak-Orda and Coke Horde. The author of the source on the formation of these two Ordes refers to the reign of Tokhta Khan and temnik Nogaja. He considered Ak-Orda as possessions of temnik Nogaja and placed it in the east, within Uluk-tag, Karatal and Tyumen. Kok-Orda he located to the West of Sarai and related to the Tokhta¢s possessions. The historians of the Golden Horde - Hammer Purgshtal, Wolf, Shpuler, P. Pelliot, A.J. Jakubowski followed this source and located Ak-Orda in the east, but Kok-Orda - in the western outskirt.

Arabic and Persian authors represented mainly in final stages of the Horde history. As promiment contemprorary American Goldern Horde researcher ULI Schamiloglu considers, we will no doubt remain in the debt of V.G. Tizengauzen for a long time to come. His publication of one volume of sources in Arabic and the posthumous publication of a second volume of sources in Persian will remain an important landmark in the history of the study of the Golden Horde. The first volume of Arabic texts remains a basic sourcebook for the study of the Golden Horde. Naturally, many of the Arabic sources which he edited in excerpts with translation have been published in modern editions, and many works have also appeared in authoritative translations into European languages. The only surprise is that so many scholars – especially historians of Russia – continue to ignore this work. Perhaps one solution would be to reprint it as is so that is would be more widely available. The second volume is also important, but much of this volume is devoted to Rashid-ad-Din and Juvaini, which are available in more recent editions. While Juvaini is available as a complete text and and in a complete translation, there are still important sections of Rashid-ad-Din – especially the Þu`ab-i pancgâna – that await their editor and translator.

It would, of course, be desirable to update Tizengauzen’s Arabic and Persian volumes. In the case of the first volume, it would be most useful to update the printed Arabic texts based on the best modern editions and to provide translations into Russian and English. There are also philological problems that need to be addressed. For example, Tizengauzen confuses the names of Nogay and Toqta in a critical passage in his translation of the account of Mufad-d-al, whereas these names are interpreted correctly in the more recent edition of this work by Blochet. Such important corrections must be taken into account in any revised edition of Tizengauzen’s work. It no longer makes sense to offer a partial publication of Raþîd ad-Dîn and Juvainı, so perhaps it would be wisest to republish the remaining texts of the second volume together with the first. All the relevant volumes of Rashid-ad-Din and Juvaini should be made available in both Russian and English. In this regard Russian scholars have already achieved great success in the translation of Rashid-ad-Din, whereas Juvainıand one part of Rashid-ad-Din’s work already have an excellent English translation. This work should be continued.

A lot of data on the social-economic and political development of Zhuchi ulus in world historical science were taken from the works of European authors - Plano Carpini, William Rubruck and Marco Polo, written during their trips to the headquarters of the Great Mongol Caan: Plano Carpini in 1245-1247, Guillaume Rubruck - 1253-1255, Marco Polo - at the end of the XIII century.

Source studying significance of European travelers data stipulated with the fact that their travelings to Mongolia were by no means accidental at all, but were a purposeful political action: the goal of the travelers was collecting as more data of very diverse character about military, economic and socio-political structure of the Mongol Empire as possible . For the European sovereigns, it was not particularly important as the whole Europe had just taken breath after the shock of the invasion of Batu Khan's forces and, though the Mongols left Europe, was the fear of them remained there.

In 1243 on the papal throne in Rome was elected energetic Innocent who, having lost the faith in the idea of his predecessor Gregory IX to organize a crusade against the Eastern conquerors, decided to reconnoiter on the inside, in order directly to have cleared military and political plans of the Mongol khans. With that end, in a view to the headquarters of the Mongol qaan¢s was sent quite a formal Catholic mission, headed by one of the founders of the monastic Order of the Franciscans - Plano Carpini. Besides him, the mission two more monks - brothers Benedict and Stephen were members of the mission. The monks left the French city of Lyon on the 16th of April, in 1243 and more than two years they got to Karakorum, having passed on their way the Volga region, Khorezm, Semyrech’e, Tarbagatai and Central Mongolia.They spent several months in the Mongolian capital at the court of just ascended the trone new khan Guyuk.

In 1247 having returned home, Plano Carpini wrote a trip report in form of the book, which was entitled "History of the Mongols. The book consists of nine chapters, each of which was devoted to a concret aspect of Mongolian ethnography of that time: the territory of the settlement of the Mongols, the climate of their lands, way of life, customs, military art, appearance, beliefs, state structure, , foreign policy. As these observations were obtained by direct data, their importance for the history is invaluable.

Few years after Plano Carpini¢s return another mission had been sent to the Mongols headed by the monk Guillaume Rubruck. The goal of this mission was purely secular-to reveal the possibility of concluding a military alliance of the French King Louis IX with the Mongolian Caan against the Muslim rulers of the Middle East. Having passed a long way through the Crimea and the Lower Volga region, in 1253 Rubruck reached Mongolia, and arrived at headquarter of the great Kaan Munch. His account of the journey Rubruck rendered in the form of a message to King Louis IX, entitled it "Journey to the East". Being an educated person Rubruck in his memoirs recorded a lot of interesting information about lifestyles, customs and beliefs Golden Horde¢s nomadic tribes living on the periphery of Empire, which he passed during his journey. Furthermore Rubruck was the only of European travelers, who remained behind himself a detailed description of the Khan's palace in Karakorum, the description of court ceremony and the whole city and its inhabitants.

A special category of the sources, which greatly added and widened our understanding of the level of economic development of the Golden Horde, its trade links and geographical limits are archaeological sources. Systematic archaeological studies of the Golden antiquities began in the middle of the XIX century with the excavations of A.V. Tereshchenko on the territory of Saraya al-Jedid (Tsarevsky mound in today's Volgograd region).

A brief review of the main sources on the Golden Horde allows to come to the conclusion: whatever may scant historical data of sources can be, they help to trace different stages of the Golden Horde history - from formation to decline and emergence of new public entities.

2. South and South-Eastern Kazakhstan in the structure of the Chagatai Khanate (XIII-XV cc.)

The Chagatai Khanate was a Mongol, and later linguistically Turkicized, khanate that comprised the lands ruled by Chagatai Khan (alternative spellings Chagata, Chugta, Chagta, Djagatai, Jagatai, Chaghtai), the second son of the Great Khan Genghis Khan, and his descendents and successors. Initially it was considered a part of the Mongol Empire, but later became it fully independent.

At its height in the late of the XIII century, the Khanate extended from the Amu-Darya south of the Aral Sea to the Altai Mountains in the border of modern-day Mongolia and China.

The khanate lasted in one form or another from the 1220s until the late of the XVII century, although the western half of the khanate was lost for Tamerlane in the 1360s. The eastern half remained under Chagatai khans who were, at times , allied or at war with Timur's successors. Finally, in the XVIIth century, the remaining Chagatai domains fell under the theocratic regime of Apaq Khoja and his descendants, the Khojijans, who ruled East Turkestan under Dzungar and Manchu overlordships consecutively.

2.2.Formation of the Chagatai Khanate

Genghis Khan's empire was inherited by his third son, Ögedei, designated by Great Khan, who personally controlled the lands east of Lake Balkash as far as Mongolia. Tolui, the youngest, the keeper of the hearth, was accorded the northern Mongolian homeland. Chagatai, the second son, received Transoxania, between the Amu-Darya and Syr Darya rivers in modern Uzbegistan, and the area around Kashgar and Semirech'e. He made his capital at Almalik near what is now Kulja in northwestern China. Apart from problems of lineage and inheritance, the Mongol Empire was endangered by the great cultural and ethnic division between the Mongols themselves and their mostly Islamic Turkic subjects.

When Ögedei died before achieving his dream of conquering all China, there was an unsettled transition all period of passing power to his son Güyük (1241) overseen by Ögedei's wife, Töregene who had assumed the regency for the five years following Ögedei's death. The transition had to be ratified in a kurultai, which was duly celebrated, but without the presence of Batu, an independent-minded khan of the Golden Horde. After Güyük's death, Batu sent Berke, who maneuvered with Tolui's widow, and, in the next kurultai (1253), the Ögedite line was passed over for Möngke, Tolui's son, who was said to be favorable to Nestorian Christianity. The Ögedite ulus was dismembered; only the Ögedites, who not immediately went into opposition, were given minor fiefs (feudes).

Chagatai died in 1242, shortly after-his brother Ögedei. For nearly twenty years after this the Chagatai Khanate was less more than a dependency of the Mongol central government, which deposed and appointed khans as he pleased. The cities of Transoxiana, while located within the boundaries of the khanate, were administrated by officials who answered directly to the Great Khan.

This state of subservience to the central government was ended during the reign of Chagatai's grandson Alghu (1260–1266), who took advantage of the civil war between Khubilai and Ariq Boke by revolting against the latter, seizing new territories and gaining the allegiance of the Great Khan's authorities in Transoxiana. Most of the Chagatayids first supported Khubilai, but in 1269 they joined forces with the House of Ogedei.

Alghu's eventual successor, Baraq (1266–1271), who expelled the Khubilai Khan's governor to Chinese Turkestan, soon came to conflict with the Ögedite Kaidu (Qaidu), who gained the support of the Golden Horde and attacked the Chagatayids.

Baraq was soon confined to Transoxiana and forced to become a vassal of Kaidu. At the same time, he was at odds with Abaqa, the Ilkhan, who ruled his Ilkhanate in Persia. Baraq attacked first, but was defeated by the Ilkhanate army and forced to return to Transoxiana, where he died not long after.

The next several Chagatayid khans were appointed by Kaidu, who maintained a hold, upon the khanate until his death. He finally found a suitable- khan in Baraq's son Duwa (1282–1307), who participated in Kaidu's wars with Khubilai khan and his successors of the Yuan Dynasty. The two rulers also were active against the Ilkhanate. After Kaidu's death in the first decade of the XIIIth century, Duwa threw off his allegiance to his successor. He also made peace with the Yuan Dynasty and paid tributes to the Yuan court; by the time of his death the Chagatai Khanate was a virtually, independent state.

2.3.End of Chagatayid rule in Transoxiana

Duwa left behind-numerous sons, many of whom became khans themselves, including Kebek (1309, 1318–1326), who instituted a standardization of the coinage and selected a sedentary capital (at Qarshi), and Tarmashirin (1326–1334), who converted to Islam and raided the Sultanate of Delhi in India. The center of the khanate was shifting to the western regions, i.e. Transoxiana. Tarmashirin, however, was brought down by a rebellion of the tribes in the eastern provinces and the khanate became increasingly unstable in the following years. In 1346 a tribal chief, Qazaghan, killed the Chagatai khan Qazan during a revol.

Qazan's death marked the end of effective Chagatayid rule over Transoxiana. Administration of the region fell into the hands of the local tribes (which were mostly Turkic or Turko-Mongol) who were loosely, allied with one another. In order to legitimatize their rule, they maintained a member of the house of Genghis Khan on the throne, but these khans were no more than puppets. Using the disintegration, Janibeg Khan of the Golden Horde asserted. Jochid dominance over the Chagatai Khanate, attempting to unite three khanates of the Mongol Empire. But the Jochids lost Azerbaijan to the Jalayirids and the Chagataids expelled his administrators after his death in 1357.

The only serious attempt to restore Chagatayid rule in Transoxiana came from Tughlugh Timur (who will be discussed below), who invaded Transoxiana twice and attempted to neutralize the power of the tribes. He was unsuccessful, however, and died soon afterwards. When his army departed the region, control of Transoxiana was contested by two tribal leaders - Amir Husayn (Qazaghan’s grandson) and Timur or Tamerlane. Timur eventually defeated Amir Husayn and took control of Transoxiana (1369–1405).

Like his predecessors, Timur maintained a puppet khan on the throne to legitimatize his rule, but his khans were members of the house of Ögedei, not descendants of Chagatai. For over three decades, Timur used the Chagatai lands as the base for extensive conquests, conquering Herat in Afghanistan, Shiraz in Persia, Baghdad in Iraq, and Damascus in Syria. After defeating the Ottoman Turks at Angora, Timur died in 1405 while marching on China. After his death his successors, the Timurids, are also reported to have had their own shadow khans until the mid-XVth century. Nevertheless, the Chagatai legacy lived on; Timur's troops were called Chagatais, and the literary language used the Timurids and their Moghul neighbors to the east was called Chagatai Turkic.

3.Timur's State (end of XIV - XV cc.)

As stated above in the fifties-sixties of the XIV century a political situation was unstable. From one side there was breaking up of the country to small not strong feudal estates, which constantly were at war with each other. From the other side, there was a strengthening aspiration of every Mongolian khan for taking possession of all Maverannahr. Timur's activity was begun in such conditions. Shortly after he could form an extensive world empire. Timur, the son of Barlassk beck, emir Taragay(i) was born in the settlement Hodja Ilgar (not far from the town Shahrisabz). From the young years Timur was acquainted very well with a military affair and took part in an intestine wars.

Timur well knew life of nomad-cattlebreeders, settled agriculturists and townspeople. He was distinguished in a period of attack of the Mogolistanian khan Togluk-Timur Maverannahr. Timur went to work for Togluk-Timur. He handed Timur management of the Kesh vilaiet and he went himself home to Mogolistan. Thus when Timur was 25 years old he became an owner of a not big but rich tumen.

Timur did not serve long to the Mogolistanian khan. When Togluk-Timur sent his son Ilias-Hodja to govern Maverannahr, he interrupted their relations and became a self-dependent owner. It was possible that the breaking-point took place thanks to Husein's countenance. Husein was a grand son of an influential Turkic emir Cazagan. In 1361 Timur entered into an alliance with him. The alliance of the emirs was a considerable force in Maverannahr. It was mainly used for fighting against neighbours. During the military marches (to Seistan) Timur got a heavy injury in the right hand and the right leg Afterwards his hand was entirely wasted away and Timur was lame in his right leg all his life, therefore he received a nickname "Timurleng" - "Timur-lame leg". He was Tamerlan in the European pronunciation.

After Togluk-Timur’s death Ilia-Hodja, driven out of Maverannahr, didn't want to conciliate with his position. And in 1365 he took the field against Maverannahr with a big army. Timur and Husein suffered from a defeat, because of non-coordination of actions. Both emirs left the field of the battle and went away with the rests of the army firstly to the side of Samarkand and then to the south to the Amu Darya. They crossed the river and managed to lose themselves in the Balh region. Husein and Timur’s flight opened the enemy the way to Samarkand. At that time in the town there was a considerable group of the sarbadars fortunatedly to the towns people. Sarbadars as a social movement appeared in Horasan in the first half of the XIV century and was directed against a predary politicy of the Mongols and their orders. It is not without interest their own names. The names of the participants of that movement were "sarbadary". It means "hanged men". They gave that name to own themselves. They told that, if it is success, they will liberate the people from violence of the Mongolians and their functionaries. If they do not turn out well they will be ready to come to the gallows.

Sarbadars could create a self dependent state with the centre in Sebzevar in Horasan. It existed almost during 45 years, that is from 1337 to 1381. Sarbadar Hodja Yahiya played a big role in the creation of this state. In the Sarbadar state there was its own coin, own troops. They could introduce a firm order. The positive peculiarity of the Sarbadar state was that it did not create its own governing dynasty. When the news of approaching Ilias-Hodja's Mongolians came to the townspeople of Samarkand, the Sarbadars called the people to show resistance to the Mongolian troops. Maulana-Zade, Abubekr Kelevy and Hurdek-and-Buhary were distinguished among the Samarkand Sarbadars. After having received the people's consent, the Sarbadars under the leadership of Maulan-Zade and Abubekr Kelevy became an energetic preparation for a defense of the town. When the Mongolians came up to the town, they got into a made ambush. They suffered major casualties and were obliged to fall back.

Ilias-Hodja was obliged to leave firstly the environs of Samarkand and then the territory of Maverannahr. The news about a victory of the Sarbadars over Ilias-Hodja reached the emirs Husein and Timur. They met and moved together to Samarkand. Both the emirs gave the Sarbadars to understand that they approve of their actions and would want to meet with them. The Sarbadars believed "kind" intentions of the emirs. Many tokens of attention were showed really to them during a cordial reception (welcome). However, when they appeared again at the headquarters of Ilias-Hodja and Timur next day they all were seized and executed with the exception of Maulan-Zade who was saved by Timur's intercession before Husein. Between Husein and Timur there were some differences of the problem for the Sarbadars with whom. Timur has had the old connections.

Having finished with the Sarbadars and their leaders Husein and Timur subordinated Samarkand to themselves again in spring of 1366. Day by day relations between Timur and Husein became worse and worse. Timur better than Husein understood demands of that time. He was surrounded by the clergy and the townspeople who treated his political line with sympathy. At the end of sixties Husein became strengthening Balh that belonged to him. He rebuilt a citadel Hinduvan in it and restored the town walls. Understending well Husein's actions Timur decided to prevent Husein's actions. In 1370 he gathered well-armed troops and besieged Balh. After considerable efforts and major casualtes in killed he seized the town.

Seizure of Balh and the death of Husein became decisive events in Timur's life. At the curultay of the commanders of the troops (the commanders of the tumens and thousands) Timur was proclaimed an only sovereign. After he got married to Chingizid emir Husein's widow he got the title "Curagany". Influence and authority of Timur became boundless. From Balh Timur turned to his native town Kesh (Shahrisabz) where he was engaged to settle internal affairs of his state. His basic problem was to overcome breaking up to unite separate estates and to create a firm and strong state.

In 1370 Timur moved to a new residence, to Samarkand where became to arm the walls of the town, the citadel and the palace. Timur knew the country needs strong power that could suppress feudal discords and secure an unbroken trade and flourishing of the towns and settlements. Prosperous handicraftsmen, merchants, landowners and representatives of Moslem priesthood supported him. Timur won round and subordinated small owners of Moverannahr to himself organizing some marches to the neighboring countries. Timur united and subordinated the lands between the Amu Darya and the Sir Darya and also. Ferghana and Shash region without special trouble. It was quite another matter with Khwarezm! Under the power of the Mongolians Khwarezm was divided into two parts: Northern Khwarezm with Urgench became the part of the Golden Horde, Southern Khwarezm with Kiat became the part of the ulus of Chagatay. At the beginning of sixties vague times came to the Golden Horde after the death of han Berdibek (1359 y). The self-dependent dynasty Sufy was nominated from the tribe "cungrat". Husein Sufy began unification of Northern and Southern Khwarezm and took possession of two towns: Kiat (a fortress at that time) and Khiva. In 1372 Timur sent Husein Sufy an ambassy with a request to return the seized towns. Husein refused to carry out this request. Timur immediately moved his troops against him. Husein took cover in the citadel of Urganch and he shortly after was dead. It happened in the same 1372. The place of Husein was occupied his brother Yusuph Suphy (1373-1380). Timur suggested a peace to him. One of the conditions was a request his son Djehangir Hanzade to get married to Husein's daughter, Uzbeg -Han's granddaughter. Usuph-Suphy agreed.

After Timur went away, Yusuph Suphy did not carry out the conditions of peace and seized Kiat again. He called out the second march of Timur by his actions to Khwarezm (1373-1374), but an armed conflict did not take place. Yusuph obeyed and promised immediately to carry out all conditions of peace. As a result of it Southern Khwarezm was an organic part of Timur's state however the success turned out temporary one. In 1375 Timur was at war with Urus-Han. Taking advantage of Timur's absence Yusuph Suphy occupied Southern Horezm again. Mutual affairs and offences were continuing till 1379 when Timur seized Urgench after a siege that continued for three montls. Thus Southern Horezm finally was an organic part of Timur's empire. At the end of eighties Tohtamish, the ruler of the Golden Horde, evidently looked for case to come into collision with Timur seeking to turn off Timur from the Iranian marches. In 1387-1388 Tohtamish used Timur's absence and attacked Maverannahr. Suleiman Suphy rose against Timur and Timur accomplished his last march against Horezm (in 1388). Taking possession of Urgench Timur abolished the dynasty of suphy and moved the inhabitants of Urganch to Samarkand.

Timur being at war with Tohtamish sought completely to weaken him. Timur saw a constant threat to his state from an existence the mighty Golden Horde. He had three big marches against Tohtamish (in 1389, in 1391 and in 1394-95).
Timur still accomplished some marches to Iran. In the second half of the XIV th c. after a fall of Culagid's State (in 1256-1336) Iran was divided into some estates: the state of Djalalurids (1336-1441) in Azerbaijan, the state of Sarbadars (1337-1381) in Sebzevar, one of the biggest regions of Horasan, and the estate of Curts with the centre in Herat That estate existed independently for some ten years. In 1381 Timur accomplished a march to Herat and took it. He subordinated to himself the dynasty of Curts. After a death of the last representative of that dynasty in 1338 it stopped its existence. In 1381 the state of the sarbadars stopped its independent existence. It happened almost with a fall of Herat at the same time. The last sarbadar ruler Ali Muaiad voluntarily, on his own initiative, handed the lands and authority to Timur. To the middle of eighties of the XIV th c all Horasan still belonged to Timur. But his movement to the depth of Iran did not stop. Timur accomplished still three lengthy marches to Iran. Those marches were successful and were finished by a subjugation of the whole Iran. More that once Timur went with big troops to Azerbaijan but subjugated it only in 1397. Armenia and Georgia were subordinated in 1392.

In the Indian march (1398-1399) Timur defeated utterly dehliy sultan and seized the celebrated town Dehli (Delhi) and the regions lying near it.

In 1400 Timur began a struggle against the Turkish sultan Baiazed I and the Egyptian sultan Pharadj, seized Sivas in the Asia Minor and Haleb (Aleppo) in Syria. In 1402 in the battle under Ankara the mighty osman sultan was defeated utterly and was taken prisoner.

During several years Timur prepared the march to China with great care and began it at the end of 1404 coming forward with 200-thousand troops. The death of Timur, that was 18 th of February in 1405 in Otrar, interrupted that march. Timur's aggressive wars are explained by deeper causes than by wish to seize a rich spoil. Timur put an aim to achieve a dominion over the roads of the world caravan trade (the countries of Europe and Front Asia with Far East). He sought to destroy the northern trade way going across the territory of the Golden Horde and to direct the trade on the old way through Central Asia. He was led by just those considerations when in 1395 he almost completely destroyed the trade towns of the Golden Horde (Azov, Sarai, Urgench and the others), playing an important role in the caravan trade. Only the Timur's death and further political complication prevented to realize that plan.

After Timur's death in Maverannahr an intestine and dynastic war took place continuously for five years (from 1405 to 1409). The extensive state was created by the continuous wars. It did not preserve its unity even after stopping the struggle for inheritance. Shahruk (1409-1447) was considered nominally a head of the united Timur's power. However it was actually consisted of two states. One of them was Horasan with its own capital. It was Herat. The other state was Timur's state with its own capital. It was Samarkand. When Shahruk announced his son Ulugbek the ruler of Samarkand, he considered him his vicegerent but not as the independent ruler. However Ulugbek became an independent ruler shortly after and stayed as an independent ruler till his death (1449). Actually those two states were not united state. Every separate state was a union of small feudal estates. Timurids stayed at the head of them. When Timur was alive the separate regions of his state have already been distributed among his sons: Djehangir, Omar-Sheih, Miran-Shah, Shahruh and their descendants: Muhammed-Sultan, Pirmuhammed, Ibrahim, Ulugbek and the others. After Timur's death the heirs, ruling over their appanages, looked at themselves independent sovereigns. They were obliged to subordinate to the head of dynasty, Shahruh who was sitting in Herat. But they wanted to have only vassal relations. Shahruh, from his side, did not see them as the trustworthy sovereigns for himself. As a result he tried to change their staff. He wanted to replace Timur's sons by his own sons. He considered that his sons would be more obedient than the nephews and the other relatives. Shahruh began to struggle with the descendants of his brothers: Djehangir, Omar-Sheih and Miranshah. Original reflection of that rivalry among Shahruh and his nephews became Ulugbek's march against Ahmed, Omar-Sheih's son, possessing Ferghana, in 1413.

To the beginning of twenties of the XV th c all Timur's inheritance was almost concentrated in the hand of Shahruh and his family.

From 1409 Ulugbek ruled in Samarkand; from 1414 Ibrahim-Sultan ruled in Shiraz; from 1418 Suyurgatmish ruled in Kabul, Gazna and Kandahar. However Shahruh made a mistake. He did not settle accounts with his sons and grandsons. It was found that his sons and grandsons were less reliable than his nephews. Thus his grandson Sultan-Muhammed (Baisunkur's son), who became a ruled in Iran, did not want more to consider himself as Shahruh's vicegerent. He wished to widen his domains at the expense of joining the western regions of Iran. In 1446 Shahruh was obliged to go at the head of big troops himself to pacify the unruly vassal and to call him to order. Even after Shahruk's death (in 1447) the Timurid's could not to hold in their hands the western regions of Iran. In 1453 Djehanshah , the leader of the Turkmenian dynasty Kara-Kojunlu, the ruler of Azerbaijan joined by force Western Iran to Azerbaijan. He ruled from 1436 to 1467. Thus he created the new great state side by side with Timurid's state.

Ulugbek did not also create political stability in his state. His forces were only enough to defend his own real independence before his father.

Ulugbek (his true name was Muhammed Taragai) was born on March the 22 nd of 1394 in the town Sultania during Timur's march to Irak and Azerbaijan. He was the eldest son of Shahruh and his wife Gauhar-Shad. Timur's eldest wife Sarai Mulk-Hanim was appointed as a tutoress of Ulugbek. When Ulugbek was 10 he was merried to Oge Begum, Muhammed Sultan's daughter. Oge Begum was descended from the family of khan Uzbeg (1312-1342) of the Golden Horde from the mother's line. Ulugbek received the right to get the title of "kuragani" which was carried by Timur. In 1409 Ulugbek was 15 years old and he became the ruler of Samarkand. It was natural that Ulugbek could not rule without assistance. Shahruh appointed Shah-Melik as a guardian for Ulugbek. Shah-Melik was a faithful digninaty who became the real ruler of Samarkand. From 1411 Ulugbek still became a self-dependent ruler.

The boundaries of Ulugbek's state almost coincide with the present boundaries of Uzbegistan. Besides a part of the basin of the Sir Darya from Otrar and almost to the town Signak was also an organic of his state. The first nomadic tribes of Uzbegs appeared on the boundaries of the state from the side of Dashti-Kipchak in the first years of Ulugbek's government They penetrated there by the Amu Darya and the Sir Darya. They forayed even to Horezm from where they were dislodged by Shah-Melik.

Ferghana was also under the power of Ulugbek. The ruler of Ferghana was Ahmed, Omar-Sheih's son and Ulugbek's cousin. He led an independent politics. Ulugbek had to come forward with the troops to subordinate that region to himself.

Ulugbek kept lye to the events on the Lower Sir Darya. In 1419 Czarevitch Barak-Oglan, Urus-khan's grandson, come up to Ulugbek and made a request for helpness against Muhammed-Han, Tuga-Timur's descendant. Early he suffered defeat from him. Ulugbek decided to have his own henchman in the Uzbeg nomadic steppe. It was profitable. As a result Ulugbek and Barak went by a march to the Sir Darya. The opponent did not take the battle and went away to the steppe. Ulugbek came back to Samarkand. After the battle in 1425 Czarevitch Barak became a han in the ulus of the nomadic Uzbegs and later he caught the capital of the Golden Horde. Shortly after Ulugbek was obliged to take the field against Shirmuhammed to Mogolistan. Shirmuhammed tried to interfere with the affairs of Maverannahr. In spring of 1425 the main forces of Ulugbek acrossed the river Chu and met Shirmuhammed's troops in the mountains near Ketmen-Tepa. The battle was finished by Ulugbek's victory. He came back with a big spoil to Samarkand. Shortly after the relations between Ulugbek and Barak became worse. Barak wanted to have total self-dependence and he mainly laid claim to the lands along the Sir Darya round the town Signack. At that time it was an important trade town. Ulugbek declared a march against the nomadic Uzbegs to the Sir Darya. The march took place in summer of 1427 was finished by the utter defeat of Ulugbek. Because of the defeat he could lose his throne in Samarkand and the power over Maverannahr. This event acted on Ulugbek so strong that for a long time he did not take part in marches. Only during the last years of reign after Shahruh's death (in 1447) Ulugbek was obliged to take arms again. Disturbances were begun after Shahruh's death in Horasan and Central Asia. Shahruh's wife, Gauhar Shad, wished most of all to see her grandson Alauddavla, Baisunkur's son, on the throne of the Timurid's although the eldest Shahruh's son Ulugbek had all rights according to the law. Gauhar Shad did not wish litigations and collisions with Ulugbek and gave headquarters of the army to Abdullatuph, Ulugbek's son. They failed all the same to avoid collisions. Alauddavla and Abdulkasim Babur (also Baisunkur's son) began military actions against Ulugbek from the both sides. Alauddavla seized the district of Mashhed and Abdul-Kasim Babur seized the district of Mazanderan. In spring of 1447 Alauddavla broke the troops of Abdullatiph, took him prisoner and locked him in a fortress Uhtiaruddin in Herat. Ulugbek did not wish to sacrifice his son and proposed a peace. According to concluded agreement Abdullatiph was sent to Samarkand and Ulugbek gave up his claims on Herat and Horasan. In 1448 Ulugbek and Abdullatiph began military actions again. By Tarnaba, near Herat Alauddavla's troops were broken and Ulugbek with his son came in Herat. In 1448 the nomadic Uzbegs under the leaders hip of han Abdulhair invaded Maverannahr. The emirs of Horasan began a mutiny at the same time. Those two events prevented Ulugbek and his son to occupy Horasan. The Horasan march of the 1448th became sudden change in Ulugbek's life. It became the beginning of his hostility against his extremely ambitions son Abdullatiph. Ulugbek retained the princely throne for Abdullatiph in Herat. Thus Ulugbek wanted to show the people that the town and its region, as under Timur, became an independent principality. As a result Abdullatiph entered into collusion with the enemies of his father. Ulugbek's position was complicated. Firstly he fought against Baisunkur's sons: Abdul-Kasim Babur and Alauddavla. They pretended to the throne of the Timurid's. Secondly he repulsed forays of the nomadic Uzbegs to Horezm, Mazarderan and Shash. Abdullatiph took into account of his father's difficulties and waited for a right moment to begin a present campaign against him. Abdullatiph found fault with his father's imaginary intrigues against him and in 1449 abolished "tamga", that is mrade in his independent principality. To save the unity of the state Ulugbek was obliged to start the march against his rebellious son. At that time Abdullatiph acrossed the Amu Darya, seized Termez and moved forward to Samarkand occupying the town Shahrisabz in his way. In October of 1449 th near Samarkand by the settlement of Dimishk the battle took place. Abdullatiph won it. After a defeat Ulugbek was left by many of his companions. He was deprived of the possibility to come in to Samarkand because his emir Miranshah closed the gate before him. As a result Ulugbek surrendered at discretion. Abdullatiph organized a covert court of his father. Abdullatiph became a real organizer of his father's murder but he did not outwardly take part in this decision. The murder took place in the 27 th of October in 1449. A few days later he organized the murder of his brother, Abdulaziz, and some emirs devoted to Ulugbek. Thus Abdullatiph seized Timurid's throne. The people hated a ruler-patricide. The antagonists of Abdullatiph made a conspiracy ready. In the 8 th of May of 1450 a court-revolution took place. Abdullatiph was killed near the garden "Bag-i-nau" by the urban ravine in the outskirts of Samarkand. Authority was handed down to Andulla, Ibrahim-Sultan' son, from the family of the Timurids. From the first days of his government Abdulla did everything to return a political and cultural life of Samarkand and Maverannahr to the days of Ulugbek's government. However Abdulla was on the Timurid's throne in Samarkand not long. Bukhara nominated his candidate. For this time it was Timurid Abusaid. Hodja Ahrar, the head of the order of Nakshbedia, has played an important role in a work of promotion and in successes of Abusaid. Abusaid appealed for help tp Uzbeg han Abulhair. Firstly Abdulla managed to seize the town Yasi (Turkestan), a frontier for tress against nomadic tribes in the basin of the Sir Darya. The main battle took place near Samarkand by the settlement Shiraz in summer of 1451. Conquerors of that battle became the nomadic Uzbegs of Abdulhaira. The troops of Abdulla were dispersed and Abdulla himself was killed . Abusaid came into power over Samarkand and Maverannahr. Abusaid failed to seize Horasan that time because the throne of Herat was seized by Shahruh's grandson, Abdulkasim Babur (Baisunkur's son). He owned it till very death that is till 1457. Relations both states were hostile. In the middle of the XV th c feudal breaking up in Horasan reached the highest development. Abulkasim Babur faild completely to seize Horasan by his energetic actions but he could liquidate independence of small feudal lords. His plan was also to seize Samarkand. However his march to Samarkand was finished unfortunately in 1454. The siege of Samarkand continued 40 days. Abulkasim Babur was obliged to make peace. According to a conclusion of peace the Amu Darya as before stayed a boundary between the both eststes. In 1457 in Meshhed Abdulkasim Babur was dead. A position sharply changed. Neither in Horasan nor in Herat there was a man who could take an authority into his hands. There were too many pretenders but nobody has big military power. It was found that only Abusaid became the most power full ruler and seized the throne in Herat. Thus from 1457 Timurid's state may be nominally considered united again. However that unification was not firm. Abdulkasim Babur's death(in 1457) consolidated a position of Abusaid who ruled the most part of Horasan. However his authority was not firm. A young Timurid, Sultan Husein (Omar-Sheih's grandson) gave Abusaid much more trouble who became a ruler of Horasan afterwards. Sultan-Husein appeared at the head of the detachment in Horasan. From 1461 to 1464 he acted with variable success in the districts of Herat, Abiverda, Nesi, Meshhed and the others

Abusaid soon perished during the battle against Uzun-Hasan in the Mugan steppe in Azerbaijan. Uzun-Hasan (1453-1478) was a member of the Turkmen dynasty Ak-Kojunlu. Abusaid's sons refused to fight with Sultan-Husein and went away to Maverannahr. In the 24 th of March in 1469 Sultan-Husein triumphantly came in Herat as its ruler. As a result Timurid's state again broke down into two self-dependent parts: the Horasan estate and Maverannahr.

Sultan-Husein became a ruler of the Horasan estate. Abusaid's sons became independent ruler of Maverannahr. The first one was Sultan-Ahmed (1469-1494), then the second one was Sultan-Mahmud and at lost the third one was Sultan-Ali.

At that time Maverannahr was actually broken down into great number of almost independent hostile estates placing themselves at the heads of Timurid's heirs.

The same position was in Sultan- Husein's state. However in spite of feudal internecine dissentions which rended Herat state, economical life of the country had more high level than in Maverannahr.

At the end of the XVth c economic and political bases of the state of Timurids were undermined by sharp contradictions among its heirs in Horasan and in Maverannahr. In Samarkand, Tashkent, Andijan, Hisar there were self-dependent rulers being in war with each other. Each of them appealed for military help sometimes to the Mogolian hans sometimes to the Uzbeg hans. Because of those discords hans of Mogolistan finally affirmed their power in Tashkent region and tried to seize Ferghana. Those feudal disorder reached the highest point at the end of the XVth c. At that time privileged "tarhanstvo" came out to the historic arena. Those were numerous small rulers from Timurid's house, the descendants of the greatest feudal lord hodja Ahrar, the head of the order "Nakshbendiya".

3. Ak-Horde – the first state entity on the local ethnic basis in the territory of Kazakhstan

Under the Ak-Horde of the beginning of the XIV-XV th centuries should be understood a huge territory of the Kazakh steppes from the Ural River to the West Siberian Lowland, including the lower and middle reaches of the Syr Darya, that was the lands of Horde –Edzhen and Shayban's uluses.

Ak-Horde- the first state entity on the local ethnic basis in the post-Mongolian period on the territory of Kazakhstan.It was inhabited by Turkic-speaking tribes, who lived in those lands from immemorial time before the Mongol conquests and were a part of the Qipchaq union, and which also moved during the invasion of Genghis Khan from eastern and southeastern regions of Kazakhstan and Altai.

Chronological tables of Muslim dynasties list the names of Ak-Horde khans in the following sequence: Horde-Edzhen, Sartak, conical, Bayan, Sasy-Buka, Erzen, Mubarak, Chimtay, Urus-Khan, Koyrchik and Barak.

From the beginning of the XIV century Horde-Edzhen's descendants struggled with the Chagataids for the Syr Darya cities and Zhetysu pastures. Simultaneously, a growing trend to restore trade and economic relations between nomads and semi-nomads of the steppe areas and the population of the settled areas of the Syr Darya oasis. Not by chance rulers of the Ak-Horde moved the administrative center to the southern outskirts of their possessions into the Sygnak city

Transformation of southern Kazakhstan into the center of the Ak-Horde, with its capital in Sygnak promoted greater contacts with the settled areas of Central Asia and Khwarezm

The declining of urban life in the heart of the Golden Horde - Povolozhe, as well as the movement of the trade routes significantly affected the extinction of these contacts.

Through the strengthening of economic and political situation of the local Turkic and Turkicized leaders, the rulers of the Ak-Horde, starting with Mubarak-Khodzha Khan (1320-1344) - finally broke off even nominal dependence on the Golden Horde.

At the time when the Golden Horde entered a period of crisis in 1359-1379, the rulers of the Ak-Horde sought to use the situation to unite both sides of the Juji ulus into one political entity under their rule. An official invitation to take the Golden Horde throne was made, for example, to Chimtayu (1344-1361.), who did not accept him, but his sons, especially Urus, actively participated in the struggle for the Golden Horde throne.

Urus became Khan of the Ak-Horde in 1368 under him increased the power of the khan of the Ak-Horde. At the same time he actively participated in the struggle for the Golden Horde throne. To this end in 1368 Urus made a campaign towards the Volga region. In 1374-1375 he seized Saray, besieged Hajji Tarkhan

and subjected the Kama Bulgars. However, Urus-Khan's success was brief and in the following year he had to leave the Volga region. Urus Khan was unable to remove from his way the Golden Horde favorite Mamay, who during the period of civil strife with the support of the nobility of the western part of the Golden Horde managed to achieve considerable power. In the years 1375-1376 Urus Khan returned to the banks of the Syr Darya, where on the southern borders began his aggressive actions Central Asian ruler Amir Timur.

Discussion on the Ak-Horde and Kok- Horde in the historical literature

It should be noted that in the modern Juji ulus and his descendants historiography two problems caused particularly fierce disputes:

Firstly – what was the name of the Juji 's State in the eastern part of Dasht-i- Qipchaq - Ak- Horde or Kok Horde.

Secondly, what was the status of that political entity within the Golden Horde, the degree of its independence or dependence?

The bases for these discussions were data of two groups of sources on the Ak-Horde: Muin al-Din Natanzi (early of the second decade of the XV century). In the work conditionally called by V.V.Bartold . "Anonymous of Iskander» and in sources of the XVII century» - Abulgazi-Bahadur Khan "Shadzharat al Atracom and Mahmud B. Amir Wali Bahr Al-Asrar

For example, Muin al-Din Natanzi said about the division of the Juji's ulus into Ak-Horde and Kok-Horde in 1300 "... After this Juji's Ulus was divided into two parts. Those, who belong to the left wing, item the limits of Ulug-tag Sekiz-yagacha and Karatal to the limits of Tuysen, neighborhoods of Jend and Barchkend, became firmly established for Nogaja's descendants, and they began to being called as Sultans of Ak-Horde, but the right wing which included Ibir-Siberia, Rus, Libka, Ukek, Majar, Bulgar, Bashgird and Saray Berke, were intended to Tokto 's descendants and they were called sultans of the Kok Horde.

But Abulgazi-Bahadur Khan wrote about the Àê-Horde not specifically at all: «Let us remind that Juji's khan residence was in Desht-i- Qipchaq, in the country, which was called as Kok-Horde». It is known, that Juji's headquarters was in the upper reaches of the Irtysh, this region is associated in the author's work with the Kok-Horde.

On the Ak-Horde the author said the following: «...the possession in the Ak-Horde he had given to Bahadur-khan, Shiban-khan's son»

In Mahmud B. Amir Wali 's work Bahr Al-Asrar Shayban's son Bahadur set out to the Ak-Horde himself, as to the belonged him possession: "As Bahadur, Shayban Khan's son... he instead of his father began prevailing over the ale and ulus ... he chose Ak Horde for wintering and summering". From the literature is known the territory of Shayban ulus allotted Shaiban by Batu Khan. It was described by Abulgazi: The Yurt, where you will live will be between my Yurt and my brother Edzhen 's Yurt. In the summer live on the east side of the Yaik, on the Irgiz, Îðü, Ilek rivers to the Ural mountains, and live during the winter in the Aral-Kum, Kara-Kum, and along the Syr rivers , in estuaries of the Chuysu Sarysu rivers.

Thus, both authors Abulgazi and Mahmud ibn Wali say about the Ak-Horde on the East Dasht-i Qipchaq territory. It turns out that they called as Ak-Horde Shayban's possessions, while Muin al-Din Natanzi – the Ak-Horde belonged to Horde-Edzhen's descendants

One of the latest views in the discussion on the Ak-Horde and Kok-Horde has been put in the academic publication of the history of Kazakhstan. Thus, T.I .Sultanov believes that the term " Ak-Horde " refers to the region that was the main part of Shayban's possession , and later the name spread to whole Kazakhstan, including Horde descendants. On uniting two uluses of Shayban and Orda-Edzhen into one state Ak-Horde wrote K.I. Petrov, K.A. Pishchulina.

5. Western Kazakhstan n in the structure of the Nogay Horde

On the Nogay Horde – the state, formed as a result of the collapse of the Golden Horde there are a lot of sources. For example, in the funds of Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv drevnikh aktov (RGADA) [Russian State Archive of Early Acts] preserved in their complete form so-called "Nogay skie dela”, one way or another reflecting the Nogay Horde history, beginning the second half of XVI century. The most part of the materials from the "Nogay skie dela” was published in the Appendices to the" History of Russia "of Prince M.M. Shcherbatov, the rest materials up to including 1577, were published by N.I.Novikov in" Continuation of the ancient Russian vivliofiki (p.VII X1), another part of the material was published in various other publications, what greatly facilitated the study of the Nogayi Horde history.

Some aspects of the Nogay Horde history were touched on (upon) by the Â. Â. Âåëüÿìèíîâà-ÇåðíîâV.V. Belyaminov-Zernov, Í. È. Âåñåëîâñêèé N.I. Veselovsky, Ã. Ïåðåòÿòêîâè÷ G. Peretyakovich, Â. Â. Áàðòîëüä V.V. Bartold, Ï. Ï. Èâàíîâ P.P. Ivanov, Ã. Õîâàðñ The History or Mongols until IX-XIII centuries by Hovar, printed in 1876 in London, Â.Â. Òðåïàâëîâ V. V. Trepavlov. However, researchers studied mainly the Nogay Horde history of the XVI-XVII centuries. But till now the history of the Nogay Horde or the Mangytsky yurt formation has not been studied.

But researches carried out on the early history of the Nogay Horde, now have obviously become out of date. For example, the English orientalist Hovar identified the latest Nogay s with the former Pechenegs, although by the XIII century the Pechenegs as a nation had ceased their existence, having merged with the Polovtcy in the XII century. N.I. Veselovsky in his work "Khan of the Golden Horde temnik Nogay and his time" saw in the latest Nogays the Temnik Nogaja‘s subjects, also called by his name.

The same point of view were kept by the authors of the History of the Uzbeg SSR. But Temnik Nogay's ulus was situated at the Danube, and his subjects to have never called themselves Nogays. After Nogaay and his sons 's defeat in 1301, Nogay's ulus people were distributed among the princes, and were scattered in other uluses.

6.Political history of Moghulistan in the second half of the XV century

Political situation of Moghulistan by the middle of the XV century was unstable. Tendencies of disintegration of Moghulistan and liquidation of the power of the khans-chagataids, which began even long before the formation of the Kazakh Khanate, especially intensified in the second half of the XV century.

The nobility struggle led to formation on the territory of Moghulistan several possessions: Ahmad-khan's, Mahmud-khan's, Halil-sultan's, Mansur-khan's.

Pressure of the Oirats also weakened Moghulistan. The situation in the west changed too, struggle in the State of the Timurids gave an opportunity to the Moghul khan to seize territories in the west, but weakened the situation in Semirech'e- the Kazakh tribes of Semirech'e began leaving from under their power.

The main content of the history of Moghulistan of the second half of the XV century was the disintegration process of the state. After Esen-Buga-khan died in 1462 Zhunis-khan managed only to conquer the southeast part of Moghulistan. In the northern and northeast part he failed to become stronger, as was intensifying the Kazakh governors.

A direct heir of Esen-Buga, his son Dost-Muhammad ruled in Kashgaria till 1468. After his death the throne was taken by Zhunis-khan, who managed to unite in his hands southern areas of Moghulistan and Manglay-Sube by 1472.

In Kashgaria Zhunis-khan interfered the 70th of the XV century to dissention of the Dughlat amirs. Zhunis-sultan also tried occupied with the struggle for the Prisyrdarya. But there in 1472 Zhunis – sultan suffered a defeat from the Kalmyks, he escaped to the Syr-Darya. Thus Zhunis-khan transferred his interests to the territories to the west from Moghulistan – to Sairam, Tashkent, which seized in 1482-1485.

During that period the Moghul nobility spelt up a part of them stopped obeying Zhunis-khan and together with his son Ahmad, in 1484 went to the eastern areas of the state, occupied by the Kirgiz.

In Kirgizia in 1480-1514 Mirza Aba Bakr's independent possession stood apart. In the northern part of Moghulistan the Kazakh khan’s power became stronger; the increasing number of clans and tribes with their ethnic territories entered the structure of their possessions. The northern part of Moghulistan in the 70-80th of the XV century was the arena of resistance of the Kazakh and Kirgiz tribes to the aggressive policy of the Oirats.

Ahmad-khan, who left for the eastern areas needed about 10 years when he subordinated the local population to the Khans-chagataids. In 1487 in Tashkent and south-western areas of Moghulistan Zhunis-khan's son Sultan-Mmahmud who actively interfered to the struggle of the Kazakh governors against Shaibanids for the Prisyrdarya at the end of the 80th-the beginning of the 90th of the XVth century, as a gratitude for support of Muhammad Shaibani in the battle with the Timurid sultan Ahmad-mursa on the Chirchik river, in 1488 he gave him Otrar, which had been taken from the Kazakhs. It meant of friendly relations with the Kazakh governors. But in two battles with the Kazakh Sultan Mahmud had suffered a defeat.

Thus the domestic situation in Moghulistan which established in the second half of the XV century, and also the whole complex of military-political events in the region created a ground for gradual weakening the power of the Moghul khans in Southeast Kazakhstan and leaving from under their power tribes and clans which later adjoined the Kazakh Khanate. On the boundary of the XV-XVI centuries Moghulistan ceased its existence as a state.


Date: 2015-12-11; view: 1184


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